Revolutionary Violence and the New Left: Transnational Perspectives by Alberto Martin Alvarez & Eduardo Rey Tristan

Revolutionary Violence and the New Left: Transnational Perspectives by Alberto Martin Alvarez & Eduardo Rey Tristan

Author:Alberto Martin Alvarez & Eduardo Rey Tristan [Alvarez, Alberto Martin & Tristan, Eduardo Rey]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9781138184411
Google: Z6-UDAEACAAJ
Goodreads: 29389623
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2016-08-09T00:00:00+00:00


The Temptation of Extremism

The deterioration of public order and radicalization of the social conflict contributed to the crisis of legitimacy in the Italian political system, therefore widening the area of consent of the revolutionary left. The struggle for housing rights became one of the biggest clashes of social unrest, and one within which the CPS played an important role. During the 1970s the housing problem had become an explosive issue. In addition to the traditional participation of the ICP and unions in the struggle, the extraparliamentary left had also begun to take part and had introduced more extreme forms of action, such as defending squats using violence.

In Turin, Milan, Rome, Naples, and many other Italian cities the CPS had backed local neighborhood events protesting against the cost of living, property speculation, and evictions. In cities in southern and central Italy, such as Rome, there was, in fact, a lingering problem of people living in shacks and unauthorized houses being built. Priests, the laity and young Catholics had been doing voluntary work with shanty dwellers, and because of this had got the impression that the outskirts of cities had become “mission lands,” perfectly resembling similar areas in Latin America.

Inevitably, the difficult issue of violence arose once more, especially in those areas where the CPS actively took part in action against evictions and forced evacuations. Situations of social emergency were tinged with violence. The Catholics were called to bear witness to their faith in this difficult situation, additionally aggravated by the recurring deaths of young political activists, often believers.

Red flags, cassocks and crosses, the hammer and sickle, raised fists, and sacraments. The dramatic news articles were full to overflowing with these images during those years. Many of the young political activists killed, as mentioned above, were Catholics or came from families of believers, and their funeral rites were held in Church. With each passing day the Vatican was increasingly called on to hold a role of responsibility in society, in the face of the deepening crisis of legitimacy of the institutions and of politics.

The years of terrorism would subject the Church to an even harder test: many believers with positions of responsibility in the political, civil, and religious life of Italy became the victims of terrorist violence. Other Christians, however, were promoters and protagonists of this violence. Being confronted with this reality would mark the CPS in the second half of the 1970s.

In 1976 the IEC promoted the “Evangelization and human promotion” conference. During this, the majority of the bishops stated that they were in favor of “religious choice,” therefore adopting the orientation decided by the Vatican Council II and claiming that they wished to reopen the dialogue with the galaxy of Catholic dissent. The time had come to rethink the pastoral function of the Church, especially regarding its relations with politics. The lesson learned from the divorce referendum had been clear: the Catholic world and the Church itself had split, putting even greater distance between the country and the precepts of the teachings of the Church.



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